Violence Against Religious Minorities in India
1.
Introduction
A 2015 report by the U.S. Commission
on International Religious Freedom asked the Obama Administration to press the
Indian government to publicly rebuke officials and religious leaders who
endorse these hateful acts against religion. In February, President Obama
described religious targeting and attacks in India in recent years as “acts of
intolerance that would have shocked Gandhi, the person who helped to liberate
that nation.”[1]
India’s constitution guarantees that “all persons are equally entitled to freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practice and propagate religion.” However, attacks against Muslims, Christians, Sikhs and Dalits have increased in recent years. What could be the reason for these atrocities? Who could be behind the violence and harassment?
2.
Who are minorities under
Indian Law?
The Constitution of
India uses the word ‘minority’ or its plural form in some Articles viz Article
20 to 30 and 350 A to 350 B, but does not define the word ‘minority’. The
Motilal Nehru Report (1928) showed a prominent desire to afford protection to
minorities, but did not define the expression. In pursuance of the
Constitutional provisions, the government is committed to the well being of the
minorities- whether linguistic or religious. The
Census 2011 data indicated that Hinduism is professed by the majority of the
population in India. There is no internationally agreed definition as to which
groups constitute minorities. The UN Sub-Commissions in Prevention of
Discrimination and Protection of Minorities define minority as a group
numerically inferior to the rest of the population of a state which possess and
wish to preserve stable ethnic, religious or linguistic traditions. The Oxford
Dictionary of English language defines ‘minority’ as a smaller group
representing “less than half of the whole or predominant population”. In Kerala
Education Bill, the Supreme Court through S.R.Das, Chief Justice, while
suggesting the technique of arithmetic tabulation held that the minority means
a “community which is numerically less than 50 percent of the total population.
The National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992 in the Section 2(c) of the act
defined a minority as “a community notified as such by the Central government”.
Acting under the provision on October 23, 1993, the Central government notified
the Muslim, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhist and Parsis (Zoroastrian) communities as
minorities for the purpose of the Act. When the Central government listed these
communities as minority it appears that numerical criterion was taken into
consideration. [2]
The question of
‘minority status’ has had assumed importance in the Indian political-economy
since 1947. It could partly be the product of socio-economic benefits provided
by the Nehruvian state, which was based on the Laskian sense of ‘welfare
state’, which in turn influenced the Nehruvian model. However, the Nehruvian
model was contradicted by the reorganization of states on linguistic lines. The
classic case may include the movement for separating Andhra from Tamil Nadu, or
Haryana from Punjab or even the linguistic politics in Assam which led to the
Hill State Movement in the North East. It was against this back drop that the
Supreme Court had to intervene frequently. [3]
While the Constitution
does not define minority or provide details relating to the geographical and
numerical specification of the concepts, it appears that the constitutional
scheme envisages this to be determined at the national level. However, several
Supreme Court judgments have sought to define minority at the state level in
term of protection under Article 30. It
held that ‘a minority either linguistic or religious is determinable only by
reference to demography of the State and not by taking into consideration the
population of the country as a whole’.[4]
The Indian constitution enshrines various
provisions for the protection of the rights and interest of the minorities.
Firstly, India declares
herself a secular state. No particular religion or the religion of the
overwhelming majority, has been made the religion of the state. [5]
Secondly, Article 29 give
the religious and linguistic minorities right to establish and manage
educational institutions of their own. The minorities have been given the
unrestricted rights to promote and preserve their own culture. Indeed, India is
a country of diverse cultural groups and She is keen to preserve her
cultural diversity. Thus for example, even though, Hindi is made the official
language of India, primary education everywhere is given in the mother tongue.
It may be noted that there are over 20 official languages in India.[6]
Thirdly, Article 29
expressly forbids discrimination on grounds of race, religion, caste, language,
in admission to educational institutions run by the state or receiving aids
from the state. This means that the doors of all educational institutions run
by government or receiving funds from the state are open to all groups of
Indians. Linguistic, religious or ethnic minority students cannot be denied
admission to such educational institutions.[7]
Article 30 is vital to the protection and
preservation of rights of the minorities. The minorities have been given the
right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice. The
state also cannot discriminate against educational institutions established and
managed by the minorities in matters of granting aids. Such educational
institutions however must receive state recognition. The state educational
authorities have the right to regulate such educational institutions because
the “right
to manage does not include the right to mismanage.”[8]
Article 16 guarantees that in matters of
public employment, no discrimination shall be made on grounds of race,
religion, caste or language etc. This means that in matters of public
employment, all Indians are placed on a footing of equality. Every citizen of
India will get equal employment opportunity in government offices.[9]
Finally, Article 25 of the Indian
constitution guarantees freedom of religion to every individual. This article
of the Indian constitution ensures that the members of the religious minority
community have the unhindered right to follow their own religion. The state
regulates the practice of a religion only when and to the extent it disturbs
public peace. The minority not only has the right to follow their own religion,
they also have the right to propagate it. But the state certainly does and
should regulate conversion through force or temptation. Forcible conversion is
forbidden because it transgresses the individual’s freedom of conscience.[10]
3.
Sketch about the
minorities in India
India is a
multicultural country filled with various religions, language and very distinct
cultures. So, as there are lot of cultures, so there are some cultures or to be
specific, religions which are in majority or can be said as lot of people
follow them or even some are in minorities. As this paper deals with the
minority religions of India let us first understand briefly about these
minority religions.
a.
Sikhism
Sikhs
are a religious minority in the north-western state of Punjab, where they form
a majority. They are also scattered around different parts of India and the
world. They number over 14 million that is 2 per cent of India’s population,
with another 3 or 4 million living outside India. Of the 14 million living in
India over 60 per cent are concentrated in their home state of Punjab. There
are other significant Sikh concentration in Haryana, Himachal Pradesh,
Uttaranchal and Delhi.[11] Traditionally the men
keep their hair and do not shave their beard or moustache. Sikhism is
comparatively a new religion in India. This religion was established by Guru
Nanak, it also included beliefs from the two dominant religions in the Punjab
region, that is, Hinduism and Islam. In Sikhism everyone has equal rights
irrespective of caste, creed, colour, race, sex or religion. Sikhism emphasise
community service and helping the needy. [12]
b.
Christianity
Christianity is India’s
third largest religion according to census of 2011, with approximately 27.8
million followers, constituting 2.3 per cent of India’s population. Old legends
say that Christianity was introduced to India by Thomas the Apostle, who visited
Muziris in Tamilakam in AD 52.[13]
The highest percentages of Christians to total population are in Nagaland (90
per cent), Mizoram (87 per cent), and Meghalaya (70.03 per cent). There are
also significantly large numbers of Christians in Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Andhra
Pradesh, Jharkhand, Orissa, Maharashtra, and Karnataka. Sikhs constitute 60 per
cent of the population of Punjab. Buddhists are categorised into traditional
Buddhists and neo-Buddhist’s. [14]
c. Islam
Islam emerged in India
from as early as 636 AD. But Islam could obtain a foothold in India only in 713
AD. In total Islamic forces took more than five centuries to break the defences
of India.[15] At present, Muslims are
in majority in the Union Territory of Lakshadweep and in the state of Jammu and
Kashmir. The proportion of Muslims to total population is above the national
percentage of 13.4 per cent in Assam (30.9 per cent), West Bengal (25.2 per
cent), Kerala (24.6 per cent), Uttar Pradesh (18.55 per cent), Bihar (16.5 per
cent) and Jharkhand (13.8 per cent). In absolute numbers, Uttar Pradesh (30.7
million), West Bengal (20.2 million), Bihar (13.7 million), and Maharashtra
(10.70 million) have the largest Muslim population.[16]
d.
Jainism
In modern times, the
Jains have been a small religious community in India. Thus in 1881 when the
first systematic census of India was taken, the total Jain population was
enumerated at 12, 21, 896 that is, 0.48 per cent of the total Indian
population. In 1981 there were 32,20,038 Jains in India and their population in
1991 was enumerated at about 33,52,000. The corresponding figure for the census
year 2001 was 42,25,053. During the past 130 years or so the Jains never
constituted more than 0.50 percent of the total population of India. Jains are
increasingly becoming the urban dwellers. Although spread all over the country,
the Jains are found to be heavily concentrated in the western half of India.
Thus according to the 1991 census, the five Indian provinces of Maharashtra,
Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka alone had over 86.0 percent of
the total Jain population. If we add two more states to this list, namely Delhi
and UIttar Pradesh, then the seven states together accounted for over 94.0 percent
of the total Jain population in 1991. In 2001 these seven states accounted for
about 90% of the total Jain population-a slight reversal of the trend due to
low natural increase and/or out-migration. Bihar, the cradle of Jainism, has
less than one percent of the Jains living there.[17]
e.
Buddhist
Buddhism is a world
religion, which arose in and around the ancient Kingdom of Magadha (now in Bihar, India), and is based on the teachings of Siddhārtha Gautama who was deemed a "Buddha"
("Awakened One"). Buddhism spread outside of Magadha starting in the
Buddha's lifetime.
With the reign of the Buddhist Mauryan Emperor Ashoka, the Buddhist
community split into two branches: the Mahāsāṃghika and the Sthaviravāda, each of which
spread throughout India and split into numerous sub-sects. In modern times, two major branches of
Buddhism exist: the Theravāda in Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia, and the Mahāyāna throughout the Himalayas and East Asia.
After peaking after Ashoka in ancient India, the
practice of Buddhism and Buddhist monasteries received laity
and royal support through the 12th century, but generally declined in the 1st
millennium CE, with many of its practices and ideas absorbed into Hinduism.
Except for Himalayan region and south India, Buddhism almost became extinct in
India after the arrival of Islam in late 12th century.
Buddhism remains the primary or a major religion in
the Himalayan areas such as Sikkim, Ladakh, Arunachal Pradesh, the Darjeeling hills in West Bengal, and the Lahaul and Spiti areas of upper Himachal Pradesh. Remains have
also been found in Andhra Pradesh, the origin of Mahayana Buddhism. Buddhism has been reemerging in India
since the past century, due to its adoption by many Indian intellectuals, the
migration of Buddhist Tibetan exiles, and the mass conversion of hundreds of
thousands of Hindu Dalits. According to the 2001 census, Buddhists make up 0.8% of
India's population, or 7.95 million individuals.
4. Data (2010-2014)
According to census 2011, the Muslim community has
registered a moderate 0.8 percent growth
to touch 17.22 Cr. in the 10 year period between 2001 to 2011, up from
13.8 Cr, while Hindu population showed a decline by 0.7 percent at 96.63Cr
during the period, according to the latest census data on religion.
As per the religious census data of 2011, released by
the registrar General and Census Commissioner on Tuesday, the total population
in the country in 2011 was 121.09 Cr.
· Hindu – 96.63Cr
(79%)
· Muslim - 17.22 Cr
(14.2%)
· Christian - 2.78
Cr (2.3%)
· Sikh – 2.08 Cr
(1.7%)
· Buddhist – 0.84
Cr (0.7%)
· Jain – 0.45 Cr
(0.4%)
· Other religions
and persuasions (ORP) – 0.79Cr (0.7%)
· Religion not
stated – 0.29Cr (0.2%)
The proportion of Hindu population to total
population has increased by 0.8% point in 2011, the census data said. The
proportion of hindu population to total population in 2011 has declined by 0.7%
point; the proportion of Sikh population has declined by 0.2% point and the
Buddhist population has declined by 0.1% point during the decade 2001-2011.
There has been no significant change in the
proportion of Christians and Jains.
The growth rate of population in the decade 2001-2011
was 17.7%. The growth rate of population of the different religious communities
in the same period was as Hindu: 16.8%; Muslim: 24.6%; Christians: 15.5%; Sikh:
8.4%; Buddhist: 6.1% and Jain: 5.4%. [18]
5. Hindutva and
Minorities
The ideology of Hindu nationalism also known as
Hindutva understands minorities, particularly Muslims and Christians, as second
class citizens who live in India at the sufferance of the descendants of the
ancient Hinduism. It is Hindu civilization that defines India and though this
civilisation has taken in and given shelter, over the centuries, to many
foreign elements, such as Muslims and Christians, remain alien to the land.
This ideology achieved its coherence in the mission of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh (RSS) founded in 1925 to unite and organize Hindu Society and protect it
from the influence of foreign missionaries out to convert Indians to these
alien religions. Hindus alone were native to the land because they considered
Bharat to be both their pitrbhumi & punyabhumi, that is, ancestral
land and land of dharma or religion respectively. [19]
Christians and Muslims have been perceived as a
threat to Hinduism because they reduced and weakened the Hindu Majority. They
have faced the charge of bringing about ‘forced conversion’, through offering
of incentives or coercion. Either through undisciplined breeding or through
forced conversions, these groups threaten Hindu numbers and hence, its
demographic position as India’s majority religion group. This view feeds, the
focus of the RSS on reconverting adivasis. [20]
Soon after independence, the RSS was banned following
Gandhi’s assassination by one of its ideologues. It emerged as a potent force
in 1980s, together with a host of other organizations such as the Vishwa Hindu
Parishad (VHP) and the Bajrang Dal as well as the political arm of the
‘family’, the BJP, to assert a new Hindu nationalist politics around the issue
of the Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi in Ayodhya. [21]
Politically, the Hindu Rights, through the voice of
the BJP, rejects the secular nationalism of the Indian Constitution, which it
labels as ‘pseudo-secularism’. It believes that the articles in the
constitution protecting minority rights are a form of pandering to or pampering
the minorities.
As we have seen, however, Muslims are not the only
enemies of Hinduism, which also include Christians. In fact, RSS has been
active in several tribal districts, as through ghar vapasi programs. It
seeks to undo the perceived influence of Christians missionaries on the
adivasis. [22]
The activities of Hindutva organization have also had
important implications for reducing religious and cultural diversity on the
ground. Their schools, publishing units, and youth and women’s group functions
throughout the country. Hindu revivalist groups work actively to streamline and
split shared religious traditions through their interventions in places of
religious worship at local levels. Public gathering, speeches and pilgrimages
are used to unify diverse groups under the Hindu umbrella. In the process,
Hindutva not only attacks the Muslims and Christians, it also underplays the
differences among Hindus themselves. [23]
The idea of a Hindu Rashtra strongly challenges the
notion of the secular democratic nation state that is enshrined by the Indian
Constitution.
6.
Violence against minority religion in India
6.1
Christians
In recent years
attacks on the Christian community in India has been on the increase. A quick
survey indicates that the frequency of attacks has increased since March 1998.
According to the United Christian’s Forum for Human Rights, the number of
registered cases of communal violence against Christians in the 32 years
between 1964 and 1996 was 39. The figure rose to 27 in 1997 alone and 120 in
1998. In that time Gujarat was the major epitome of violence. Under BJP rule,
Hindu fundamentalist organizations like Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang
Dal had a field day with burning Bibles, chasing missionaries, crying the
slogan etc. In other parts of India nuns have been raped, priests executed,
Bibles burnt, churches demolished, education institutions destroyed and
religious people harassed. [24]
There have lot of
incidents of persecutions which haunts the whole christian communities till the
present days, like the killing of Steins, Riots in Gujarat, the persecution of
Christians in Kandhamal and other small though relatively serious incidents of
burning the churches, killing and man handling of pastors and missionaries in
Delhi. [25]
Let us take into
consideration one of the major violence happened in the Kandhamal district of
Orissa which shook the whole nations.
In terms of
Contemporary anti-Christian persecution, “Kandhamal” may be the single word
that best captures the whole story. Kandhamal is a district of eastern Indian
state of Orissa, where an orgy of violence descended upon the impoverished
Christian minority in August, 2008. A series of riots led by radical Hindus
left roughly 100 people dead, thousands injured 300 churches and 6000 homes
destroyed and 50,000 people displaced, many forced to hide in nearby forests
where more died of hunger and snakebites. [26]
The violence was
carried out by mobs adorned with saffron headbands, a sign of right-wing Hindu
militancy and shouting slogans such as Jai shri ram, Jai Bajran Bali.
Attackers wielded rods, tridents, swords, firearms, kerosene and even acid.
The Rev. Ajaya
Kumar Singh, a Catholic priest who heads the Odisha Forum for Social Action,
said such violence is common in a place where the social elites are upper caste
Hindus and the Christians are largely lower-class untouchables and members of
indigenous tribes
“there’s a double
hatred” Singh said. “Because Christians are from the lowest caste, they’re
untouchables and because they’re Christians they’re seen as anti-national.....
they’re treated worse than dogs”[27]
Certainly that was
the story of the 2008 riot that rocked the district. It began with the Aug. 23,
2008, assassination of Swami Lakshmananda Saraswati, a local Hindu leader who
was regarded as a messiah figure by many lower-class Hindu tribal people.
Although the full truth about his murder remains elusive, it was initially
blamed on Christians, which seemed plausible given that he had explicitly vowed
to eliminate the Christian presence in the area.
According John
Barwa, Archbishop of Cuttack-Bhubaneswar, locals were told that Christians
would force them to eat beef, considered a grave sin in Hinduism, given the
cow’s status as sacred animal. Two brothers he met in remote village, Barwa
said, told him they took part in the violence because they’d been persuaded
that if they didn’t kill Christians, they’d turn into bats. [28]
Here are some
stories of that incident:-
There’s Rajesh Digal, a Pentecostal pastor who was
asked to recant his faith. When he refused, he was beaten severely. He was then
asked again if he would renounce his Christianity; when he said no, he was
buried in a pit up to his neck for two days. When he asked for water, his
tormentors urinated in his mouth.
Given a final chance to repudiate his faith, Digal declined for a third
time. At that point, he was beaten to death with clubs, axes, and sticks. To
this day, his body has never been found.[29]
Or take the case of Sister Meena Lalita Barwa, a Catholic nun of
the Servite order who was in Kandhamal when she and a local priest, the Rev. Thomas
Chellen, were dragged into the streets by frenzied attackers shouting “Kill
Christians!”
Sister Barwa, the niece of Archbishop Barwa, said her sari blouse was
ripped off. She was raped by one of the men in the mob, and then paraded
through the streets of the village semi-naked while the mob continued to howl.
At one stage, the attackers insisted that Chellen, the priest, also rape
her. He refused and was severely beaten as a result. Both survived the ordeal,
and Sister Barwa, now 37, is pursuing a law degree in order to fight for
justice for other victims of similar violence.[30]
When we look into
these stories and extensively read the records of these persecutions, the
questions which comes up here are, persecution happened because:-
· They were
Christians?
· They from low
caste?
· They were hated?
· They were
developing?
6.2 Muslims
It is not only
that Christians are facing violence but India the Islamic community has also
gone through a lot of bloodshed in the name of religion. One of the most famous
incident known as the Babri Masjid demolition is the best example of the
violence which happened against the Muslims.
The dispute over
the 16th Century Babri mosque, in Ayodhya goes back decades. Built
in 1528, the mosque was constructed in Uttar Pradesh’s Faizabad district by Mir
Baqi on the orders of the Mughal emperor Babur.[31] In December 1992, Hindu
militants razed the mosque, which is on a disputed religious site, triggering
clashes with Muslims that left 2,000 people dead and plunged the country into
political crisis.
In a Guardian
article dated 3 December, Derek brown describes mounting political tension as
Hindu holy men decided whether to press ahead with construction of a temple on
the site of the mosque, which they believe to be also the birthplace of the
deity Lord Ram. The Indian government is bracing itself for confrontation with
Hindu zealots, Brown writes, as it deploys paramilitary forces to protect the
460 year old Babri Masjid mosque of the Moghul emperor, Babar. “What began as
an arcane religious squabble has in recent years become the most intractable
dispute in India,” he says.[32]
Three days later,
the state government falls as “a baying mob of Hindus bigots” tears down the
mosque, where they want to build a temple. “They used primitive tools and their
bare hands to tear the mosque to pieces” writes Brown. “First the three domes went
then the Spartan interior and the perimeter walls. The Hindu idols, installed
in the late 1940s at the start o the arcane, obscurantist dispute, also
disappeared.... In a few frenzied hours, the mob brought down the government of
India’s most populous state, and provoked deep communal tension throughout the
country.”[33]
On 8 December,
Brown describes how riots have erupted the length and breadth of “a huge and
angry country”. Even Bombay, the great western metropolis considered the most
modern of Indian cities, is caught up in the violence, which leaves more than
200 people dead.
Elsewhere in that
day’s paper, Brown analyses the events leading up the confrontation. To the
despair of education Indians “ingrained with a notion of their country as
steeped in the non-violence of Gandhi” he says, Ayodhya had been an explosion
waiting to happen after Rajiv Gandhi, the then prime minister, ordered that a
makeshift temple build on the site just after independence in 1947 should be
reopened, as a sop to Hindu extremists. The temple went on to be become a
rightwing and nationalist cause for the fast-growing Bharatiya Janata party. [34]
Today, Babri
Masjid, despite its destruction almost a decade ago, is once again in the news.
The Hindu militants who succeeded in tearing the mosque are now racing to start
building a temple on its ruins. It was activists keen on beginning this
project, set to being on March 15, 2002, who were on the train in the February
27, 2002 Godhra train incident. Their actions sparked a fury violence that has
today left about 5,000 dead according to Muslim sources, in the worst communal
violence since the destruction of the Babri mosque in 1992. [35]
Even as we analyse this issue we should again ponder over the same questions that were being put in the previous section that the basic reason for these Riots are only religious or are there other elements also involved in these incidents?
6.3
Sikhs
Sikhism another
minority religion has also been burnt in the fire of violence in the name of
religion. In the past, in fact after independence, there has been a uproar in
the whole country against the Sikhs in the year 1984, popularly known as
“anti-sikh riots”. [36]
"Get
up and crawl back into the train quickly. If they notice that you're alive,
you'll be stoned to death."
Sixty-four-year-old Satpal Singh, a pharmacology professor at the University of
Buffalo in New York state, vividly remembers the timely advice proffered by a
kind man, which ultimately saved his life on the night of November 1, 1984.[37]
Singh
had just received an offer to start and head a new division at the Centre for
Cellular and Molecular Biology in the central Indian city of Hyderabad.
While
returning to Amritsar, in the northern Punjab state, from Hyderabad, the train
made an unscheduled stop at a railway station close to the city of Bhopal.
A
mob of nearly two dozen people barged into Singh's compartment and beat him
unconscious.
"Two
army officers in my compartment assured that they would protect me, but nobody
intervened," Singh told.
Assuming
that he was dead, his body was thrown on the railway tracks.
On
October 31, 1984, Indira Gandhi, then India's prime minister, was assassinated
by two of her Sikh bodyguards, Satwant Singh and Beant Singh, in apparent
retaliation for the Indian army's action in June that year to flush out an
armed separatist group led by Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale from the Golden
Temple, the holiest place of worship for the world's Sikhs.[38]
The
military operation, code-named Blue Star, claimed up to 700 lives, according to
some estimates.
Following
Gandhi's assassination, attacks on Sikhs erupted across several Indian cities,
including Delhi, Kolkata, Bokaro and Kanpur. At least 2,733 Sikhs were killed in Delhi
alone in the carnage.
Nearly
three decades later, as victims continue their battle for justice, the Indian
government's Special Investigation Team (SIT) has decided to reopen and examine 75 closed cases related to the riots in Delhi.
In
the latest development, a Delhi court has set October 25 as the deadline for
CBI, India's top investigative body, to provide information on the status of
investigation in a case involving the killing of three people in a Sikh
gurudwara the day after the assassination.[39]
The 1984 killings began on the
evening of October 31, spreading from New Delhi's All India Institute of
Medical Sciences (AIIMS), where Indira Gandhi's body had been brought.
Mobs armed with weapons
thronged the areas with a large Sikh presence and began looting and burning
shops and business establishments belonging to Sikhs.
Members of the Sikh community
were dragged out of their homes, beaten mercilessly and slaughtered in the four
days that followed.
"My bhua's [father's
sister] husband was burned alive with the petrol from his own motorcycle and
left to die at the INA Bridge in New Delhi," recalls Harinder Singh, an activist and
educator.
"Later, someone picked him
up from the bridge and took him to their house. He survived miraculously.”
A fact-finding team jointly organised by the People's Union for Democratic Rights(PUDR) and People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) in 2003, claimed on the basis of its
investigations that the attacks on the Sikh community were the outcome of
"a well-organised plan".[40]
Whatever the truth, Satpal Singh describes the police and army
as "mute spectators" that November night.
"I could hear the police
encouraging the mobs - 'Kill all of them. They have killed our mother,'"
he told Al Jazeera.
When the train made its next
stop at Gwalior, where there is a large Indian army presence, Singh made a
quick decision to get off and pleaded for help with the army officer.[41]
However, he was turned away and
told that the army had not received orders to protect civilians and that his
best option would be to approach the police.
The officer at the police
station advised Singh to take the next train to Delhi.
"I told the officer that
by then I had a clear idea of the scene in Delhi, to which he said - Sardar ji
[Sir], how can I change what's in your destiny?" Singh said.
A compassionate senior army
officer finally agreed to help Singh and took him to the Gwalior army base for
two days, after which he went back to Amritsar.
Incidentally, the president of
India at that time of the riots was a Sikh himself, Giani Zail Singh, a former
Congress party politician from Punjab who was considered a trusted ally of
Gandhi.
Speaking to Gurmeet Kaur, Zail
Singh's daughter, recalled: "My father was deeply perturbed by the riots.
He tried calling the prime minister's office, the Ministry of Home Affairs and
other authorities concerned in an effort to stop the atrocities against innocent
Sikhs. His calls were either not getting through or getting disconnected."[42]
Several witnesses told official
commissions of inquiry that the police
did nothing to stop the killings, while many actively participated in the
massacre.
"Large crowds
surrounded the houses of Sikhs, and I myself witnessed innocent civilians being
burned alive," recalls Satish Jacob, a journalist who reported on the
riots in Delhi for BBC World Service.[43]
The another story of this
incident explains perfectly how massive this incident was and not just only in
the Delhi or the Punjab region or Uttar Pradesh but in the whole country it
became a very serious event which lead to a massive bloodshed.
Most
chronicles of the 1984 anti-Sikh riots focus on Delhi and Punjab. Few
acknowledge Daltonganj—a typical town in Bihar (now in Jharkhand)—as a place
that heavily bore the brunt of the carnage. [44]
Thirty
years ago, when the violence broke out on the streets of that town, I was all
of 30, married, with a little girl. We lived in a joint family with my parents,
three brothers, their wives, and children.
Three
years earlier, the year my daughter was born, I had felt the need to stand up
on my feet, and I had opened a shop of automobile spare parts in Daltonganj’s
busiest area.
The
whole of the town is no bigger than a Delhi neighborhood. Like much of small
town India, it has a fair share of different communities, one hospital, two
film theaters, and a handful of schools.
In
its anonymity thrived its innocence. Until October 31, 1984.I clearly remember
it was a Wednesday. It was around four in the evening. One India-Pakistan
cricket match had been abruptly canceled midway, and people huddled around
their radios began spreading the message: “The BBC said that Indira Gandhi was
assassinated this morning.” Not until 4:50, when the Urdu news report was
transmitted via All India Radio, did we know that it wasn’t a rumor. The prime
minister had been murdered.[45]
It
was the last day of Chhath Puja, so I was expecting one of my Hindu friends to
visit me. This friend—let’s call him Ashok—came every year to give me holy
prashad. A couple of hours had passed by—and though people were in a state of
shock, everything seemed pretty much like any other day. The market was closing
down and people were returning to their families.[46]
When
Ashok arrived, I was preparing to leave, too. “Don’t go home tonight. It’s not
safe,” he told me. A medical shop close to the hospital run by a Sikh had
apparently been looted. Another Sikh laundryman had been attacked.Who did it, I
did not know. What was going to happen, I could not tell.
I
somewhat panicked. A couple of my Hindu friends got together and suggested I
should stay the night with my friend Kamlesh, who lived right across the street
from my shop, instead of returning home to my family. I conceded.
The
next morning, mayhem broke out. As I peeped through the windows of my friend’s
house, I saw a mob of some 600 people break into the wooden door of my shop and
loot it. They carried rods and kerosene. The inhumanity was frightening. Some
people who I would often sip tea with in the evenings were right there, in
front of my eyes, devastating my livelihood. My brother’s shop next door was
looted and set a flame.[47]
The
whole day, I hid behind the windows, barely knowing how long would this go on;
barely understanding how were they, we—the Sikhs—at fault. Indira Gandhi had
been killed by her two Sikh bodyguards, but how did it justify attacking
innocent Sikhs who are, like everybody else, just trying to earn their living?[48]
I
did not know about my family’s whereabouts for hours. Eventually, the telephone
lines improved and I could use my friend’s phone to find out that they were
being protected by one of our neighbors.
Later
that day, my friend Kamlesh received a threatening phone call; people were
saying he had hid a Sikh in his house. Kamlesh’s neighbor, a fearless Hindu,
offered to help. The same night at 11, I removed my turban, opened my hair,
covered myself in a white sheet and moved over to his neighbor’s house.[49]
Sikhs
cover their hair out of respect for god’s creation. That is our identity. As a
Sikh, it was no less than demeaning to be forced in a situation to let it down.
On
Nov. 2, a curfew was declared. The looting and the killing nonetheless
continued. Another day passed. The army arrived. On Nov. 4, the curfew ended,
but the army men stayed on for several days afterward.
I
was clueless about how the rest of the town fared. I was pained with rage and
agony. For two hours, when the curfew was lifted, I joined hordes of other Sikh
men at the police station, and told a cop: “I am one of the victims and I want
to have a look at my shop.” The cop who had been patrolling the areas asked me:
“Which one was yours?” I told him—only to be informed the shop was completely
emptied. I insisted on seeing it for myself.[50]
I
don’t know what I was thinking. Instead of returning home, I went with the cops
to my shop. I opened what was left of a broken door. Three or four stray dogs
greeted us, huddled inside the tiny space, looted of my once simple life.
I
somehow got rid of them, sat right there, and cried and cursed endlessly. I
found a sack and collected whatever items remained. I asked Kamlesh to keep
them for me, but he declined because the army had announced that they would be
searching the rioters’ homes for their bounty. That, I think, never happened.
After
four days, I returned home with the sack. My wife and mother, who had little
hopes of seeing me again, cried and cried–as they would for many days to come.
There were several mob attacks on my house during the course of these four
days, but our longtime neighbors—a joint family of Rajputs, just like
ours—saved us.
The
loss all around was unprecedented. The nearby gurudwara was strewn in blood—and
those marks have barely rubbed off to this day. The head priest was slashed to
death—and his young children were beaten and harassed. The broken windowpanes
of the gurudwara remain, a bitter memory to the stone pelting that went on for
hours on the holy shrine.
In
Daltonganj, countless Sikh men were beaten up. A dozen died. Some houses were
stoned; others set ablaze. Some local Sikh who were traveling out of the town
were dragged out of trains and killed. The hospital refused to admit the
injured, unless men cut their hair. Turban-wearing Sikhs had to make a choice:
cut your hair or not get medical care. In the wake of the rampage, several
Hindus, too, could not leave their homes.[51]
Thereafter,
a few Sikh families sought help from their related families in Punjab and left
the town. I, too, went and found a place in Amritsar, but I could not convince
my family to relocate. My father—who had witnessed his father’s killing during
India’s partition in 1947—was hellbent on the whole family migrating together,
or not migrating at all. My mother had lost her brother in the brutal attacks
on Hindus and Muslims and Sikhs alike in 1947. Any form of killing is wrong—but
I can attest it’s worse when the nation corners one single community.[52]
In
his first-person accounts from Sikhs across the nation, Jarnail Singh’s book, I Accuse, captures the anguish of a community that is still
struggling to forgive and forget—given there has been no justice till this
date. Across the nation, more than 8,000 Sikhs were killed, women were raped,
burnt alive, homes brought down, children forced to grow up. These have
affected the psyche of the people permanently.
Thirty
three years have passed but the memory of the riots doesn’t fail many of the
Sikhs. It still haunts them and all the experiences which they and their family
had becomes like a reel of shots they cannot forget. In such circumstances the
only thing this community desire is Justice, Justice for the lives of the
innocent Sikhs who were shot dead in the massacre, Justice for the ladies who
were harassed and raped and burnt alive. Justice for the people who lost their
livelihood.
7. Riots in Ephesus and Riots in Kandhamal (Acts
19:21-41)
In
the previous sections we stated the incidents that lead to huge bloodshed in
Christian, Muslim and Sikh community but in this section we will build a
parallel between the Riots in Kandhamal and Riots in Ephesus. The scripture
that we will look into is Acts 19:21-41. The following is the summary of the
excerpt in the book by Raj Bharath Patta, a violent sight on a silent
night.
The
author starts with a meeting of Ephesus Silver Chamber of Commerce (ESCC) is
called by a certain person names Demetrius, a famous silver craftsman, to share
his grief and concern. As people who are into the making of silver shrines to
goddesses Diana, they would have reaped a wealth of contentment and happiness
in their lives. There would have been a lot of devotees. And as silver
craftsmen their hands and pockets were full as they took goddess Diana to
several places by building silver shrines to her. Thus, they would also demand
great repute and reverence for their workmen skill. Through this they became
powerful and were the most important people in managing the political affairs.
Mr. Demetrius had to call an urgent General Body meeting of ESCC due to the
economic recession they are facing. [53]
Demetrius was a
silversmith by profession making silver shrines for goddess Diana and earned a
lot of wealth and respect. By being economically rich he gained political
influence in his city. He was a highly religious person, a strong devotee to
the goddess Diana and demanded high reverence within his country and even
abroad for his association with goddess Diana and the priestly class. He became
a fanatic in defending goddess Diana. He was a radical propagator that it was
only goddess Diana who is the all powerful goddess and no other can either
challenge Diana or replace her. He has been in the forefront in confronting the
freedom of individual person’s conscience and could not tolerate any voluntary
conversions from the religion “Dianism”. He makes false allegations on other
faiths, makes inflammatory and negative remarks on people of other faiths and
goes around in the city instigating his own people to fight back all
conversions and other faith belief that exist. He preaches, propagates and
practices the agenda of ‘Dianatva’. [54]
Thus one fine day Mr.
Demetrius calls for the meeting of his Chamber and the concern which he shares
with them is that there is a huge economical depression happening to their
profession for the simple reason that Mr. Paul, who has been preaching Christian
faith has persuaded and turned a considerable company of people from the faith
of Dianism. This led to huge riots in Ephesus.
As soon as the city was
filled with confusion, division and hatred towards the faith, which Paul
preached, all the people of the city of Ephesus rushed together into the common
city hall. They caught hold of Mr. Gaius and Mr. Aristarchus who were foreign
Macedonians in the city of Ephesus and Paul’s companions in the travel, dragged
them into the city hall and accused them, and even man handled them in the
presence of the whole of Ephesians. The two people, the preachers of
Christianity, were made guilty and the whole assembly of the Ephesians made
allegations after allegations. [55]
The whole episode of
Kandhamal
It was in December 2007
one Swami Laxmananda Saraswati went around the village and towns in the
district of Kandhamal, Orissa and instigated the Kandh Hindu tribals, against
the Dalit Christians in that area, for he alleged that there were huge number
of conversions into Christianity and sons of the soil and the religion of the
soil is losing their ground. Then immediately there were attacks on churches,
Christians, on their houses and properties and Dalit Pano Christians had to
bear the brunt of religious fundamentalism. Since then, the message of hatred
and confusion has piled up between the two communities in kandhamal and tension
prevailed between them. In August 2008 when the Swamiji was killed by the
Maoists,the violence on dalit and Tribal Christians in Kandhamal knew no
bounds, which killed nearly 50 people, around people displaced 50,000 and
destroyed houses, churches and property. [56]
One can draw several
parallels between the riots in Ephesus and the riots in Kandhamal district in
Orissa. Both the riots were caused by the instigation of the inflammatory
speeches made by the religious fanatic leaders. Both riots were caused by
religious fundamentalism, which rule over their political contexts and both
riots were to create the fear psychosis and traumatic depression to the
religious minorities of their times. There are many other parallels that can be
drawn.
8.
Reasons
for these violences
In past years India has
faced lots of communal violence on the basis of religion and mainly it a kind
of tug-of-war between the minority religion and the majority religion. Wherein
the Majority religion shows its dominance and control over the minority religion
and as an answer to the suppression the minority revolts back which becomes so
large that it takes the shape of two big communities and the whole country
comes under it. The daily living is affected, property is affected and lives
itself are being hampered.
But the question that
comes up is does religious differences are the only reason for these violence
or are there other hidden agendas behind it?
Conversion – The biggest issue on which Christians are
targeted is on religious conversion. Almost every day there is some news item
or the other in the Indian press on the issue of conversion a number of
statements have been made by different Hindutva organizations. The prime
Minister, Atal Behari Vajapyee, demanded a ‘national debate on conversion’
thereby implying that attacks on Christians are due to their conversion
activities. Mr. Vajpayee said, “if Christians missionaries continues religious
conversions, the government cannot stop reconversions”. It was alleged that
missionaries use force, fraud and allurements to convert people to Christianity
and that funds obtained for welfare activities were used for conversion. At the
same time conversion from Christianity to Hinduism is encouraged and supported
by the Sangh Parivaar as “Ghar wapasi” or homecoming. [57]
Economic interest – if we carefully decipher the reasons for
the conflict in Kandhamal, Orissa, one cannot but arrive at the conclusion that
the economic interest has been one of the prime reasons for the conflict
between the Dalit Pano Christians and the others. Ever since Pano Dalits became
Christianst and joined in the Christian community, their livelihood facilities
have increased. Dalits who were till then without education, received education
from the schools run by the Christian missions and slowly progressed in their life
styles. As the Dalits have shown progression and growth from their earlier
untouchable positions and were establishing themselves in business, education,
health and commerce, the Hindu religious fanatics could not tolerate nor could
accept equality of the polluted untouchable Dalits with them. The religious
fanatics could not see in reality that a Dalit is standing on his own, on par
with the other caste groups. The religious fanatics could not think of this
situation. With all these growths under different walks of life for the Dalits,
the religious fanatics, particularly the Hindu Fanatics thought that this
growth in Dalits would be a threat to them in their activities, and started
instigating Hindu Tribalts to avenge and riot on the Dalit communities. Village
after village, religious fanatics propagated the message of hatred between
those communities.[58]
Nationalism – this is reason is not only applicable to
the Christians but also to Muslims. The two religious communities are
considered falsely as foreigner and thus Nationalistic feeling comes up against
these two religious people.
Apart from these reasons
there are many other reasons for the violence against the religious minorities
in India but the above three plays vital role in communal violence against
religious minorities.
9.
Response
(Peacemakers)
The Biblical passage from
Acts 19:21-41 brings and reminds us the role of the simple lonely town clerk
who voiced out amidst the strong voices of religious fundamentalism. In today’s
context who shall take the role of the simple town clerk in situations like the
riots in Kandhamal? Where are such town clerks in our times today? Are we bold
enough to voice our concern for justice in countering the rigid practices of
fundamentalism and communalism? I feel it is high time that as responsible
citizens of our country, you and I are called to be the simple town clerk to
stand up to raise our voice and counter such riots of kandhamal in our
localities. No matter what our religious affirmations are our professional
stands and our individual identities are, for all of us are challenged to take
on the role of the town clerk to be bold, to be courageous and to affirm the
dignity of life guaranteed and warranted to us by the Constitution of India.
Also like the town clerk, lets be bold in calling the enemy by their name and
in reminding the forces of fundamentalism, casteism and terrorism that none can
be above the law and if any valid allegation like conversions are at hand, let
them brought to the test in the courts of law and justice. Let us resolve to be
like this town clerk in standing firm in our beliefs, in values of secularism,
unity and mutual respect and oneness in all faiths. Let us also resolve like
this town clerk to speak on behalf of the people who are oppressed and have
become the worst victims of human rights violations. Let us resolve like this
town clerk to educate our own communities reminding them the strength of
community living and try to become the peacemakers of our times. Blessed are
the peacemakers, and it is time that we as Christians join the civil society
initiatives for peace and create harmony in the society.
10.
Conclusion
Time is ripe, the reign of
God is at hand, may we all rise up to the occasion in addressing the confusions
and conflicts caused in the name of religion, caste and region and become
instrumental in resolving conflicts and strive to create peace and establish
justice in our times. May all evil forces of fundamentalism, Casteism and Terrorism be defeated by responsible
citizens like you and me. [59]
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S.M Michael SVD. Becoming
Missional Communities in the 21st Century in the Context of Violence
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[1] Violence Against Religous
Minorities in India, (cited: 20th february2017 ) Online: https://humanrightscommission.house.gov/events/hearings/violence-against-religious-minorities-india
[2] Omarlin Kyndiah, Who are
minorities under Indian Law?, (cited 20th Febraury 2017) Online:
http://www.theshillongtimes.com/2016/01/09/who-are-minorities-under-indian-law/
[3] Omarlin Kyndiah, Who are
minorities under Indian Law?
[4] Omarlin Kyndiah, Who are
minorities under Indian Law?
[5] Vijay Jaiswal, Rights of
Minorities in Indian Constitution, (cited: 21st February 2017)
Online:
http://www.importantindia.com/2182/rights-of-minorities-in-indian-constitution/
[6] Ibid.
[7] Ibid.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Ibid.
[10] Ibid.
[11] India-Sikhs (cited 21st
February 2017) Online: http://minorityrights.org/minorities/sikhs/
[12] Aharon Daniel, Sikhism,
(Cited: 21st February 2017) Online:
http://adaniel.tripod.com/sikhism.htm
[13] Christianity
in India, (cited: 21st February 2017) Online: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christianity_in_India
[14] D.K Sinha, Religous Minorities
in India, (cited: 21st February 2017) Online: http://www.yourarticlelibrary.com/essay/essay-on-the-religious-minorities-in-india/42384/
[15] L. K. Advani, Religious
Demography of India,
[16] D.K Sinha , Religious
Minorities in India.
[17]http://en.encyclopediaofjainism.com/index.php?title=Status_of_Contemporary_Jain_Community#Demograhic_Status_:
[18] http://www.firstpost.com/india/india-has-79-8-percent-hindus-14-2-percent-muslims-2011-census-data-on-religion-2407708.html
[19] Rowena Robinson ed., Minority
Studies, (oxford university press: New Delhi, 2012) 18-21
[20] Ibid.
[21] Ibid.
[22] Ibid.
[23] Ibid.
[24] S.M Michael SVD, Becoming
Missional Communities in the 21st Century in the Context of Violence
against Christians in India, (ed. By Jangkholam Haokip and k.Sungjemmeren
Imchen; ISPCK-Delhi, 2016) 65
[25] Michael, Becoming Missional
Communities. 66.
[26] Anto Akkara, Kandhamal Craves
for Justic, (Veritas India Books-Bangalore, 2013)
[27] Anto Akkara, Early Christians
of 21st Century, (Veritas India Books-Bangalore, 2013)119-140
[28] Anto Akkara, Kandhamal Craves
for Justic,
[29] John L. Allen Jr., ‘Kandhamal’
tells the whole story of anti-Christian persecution, (cited: 25th
February 2017) Online: https://cruxnow.com/faith/2015/07/28/kandhamal-tells-the-whole-story-of-anti-christian-persecution/
[30] Ibid.
[31] Kainat Sarfaraz, Babri Masjid
Demolition: A Timeline of Events, (cited: 28th February 2017)
Online: http://indianexpress.com/article/india/babri-masjid-mosque-demolition-history-ram-janmabhoomi-ayodhya-dispute-4413277/
[32] Mark Tran, Ayodhya: Guardian
coverage of the Babri Mosque attack (cited on 1st March 2017,
2:00pm). Online :
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/sep/28/ayodhya-mosque-india-guardian-report
[33]Tran, Ayodhya: Guardian coverage
of the Babri Mosque attack.
[34] Tran, Ayodhya: Guardian
coverage of the Babri Mosque attack
[35] Abdul Malik Mujahid, What is
the Babri Mosque issue?, (cited on 2nd March 2017, 8:00pm).
Online: https://www.soundvision.com/article/what-is-the-babri-mosque-issue
[36] Robinson ed., Minority Studies,
249-269.
[37] Ibid.
[38] Ibid.
[39] Robinson ed., Minority Studies.
249-269
[40] Ibid.
[41] Ibid.
[42] Robinson ed., Minority Studies,
249-269.
[43] Shriya Ramakrishnan, 1984
anti-Sikh riots: Calls for justice in India, (cited on 28th
February 2017), online:
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2016/08/1984-anti-sikh-riots-calls-justice-india-160815061930857.html
[44] Amarjit Singh Walia, I lived
through the Sikh riots, (cited on 28th February 2017, 2:00pm).
Online:
https://qz.com/289671/i-lived-through-the-sikh-riots-and-30-years-later-im-not-ready-to-forgive-or-forget/
[45] Amarjit Singh Walia, I lived
through the Sikh riots.
[46] Ibid.
[47] Ibid.
[48] Ibid.
[49] Ibid.
[50] Amarjit Singh Walia, I lived
through the Sikh riots.
[51] Ibid.
[52] Ibid.
[53] Raj Bharath Patta, A Violent
Sight on a Silent Night, (ISPCK/NCCI: Delhi, 2009) 3-4.
[54] Patta, A Violent Sight on a
Silent Night, 4-5
[55] Patta, A Violent Sight on a
Silent Night, 4-5
[56] Patta, A Violent Sight on a
Silent Night, 10-11
[57] Haokip & Imchen, Missional
congregation, 72-73.
[58] Patta, A Violent Sight on a
Silent Night, 11.
[59] Patta, A Violent Sight on a
Silent Night, 12.
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